no third solution

Blogging about liberty, anarchy, economics and politics

The Conundrum

December 28th, 2007

There’s a conundrum with which liberalism is faced. Even men such as Mises and Hayek have been accused of succumbing to this mortal flaw: regarding one’s ideological opponents’ motives as benevolent. As much of a contrarian as I can be, even I generally don’t accuse my opponents of being malevolent monsters, although the ideas, programs, and methods they embrace are often dependent entirely upon the infliction of violence, or the threat of physical harm; and the outcomes wrought upon humanity by these designs are often the worst sorts of evils.

But mankind, being prone to mistakes, has developed a spirited sense of compassion, understanding, and forgiveness. It is in this spirit that I think many have ultimately failed their own convictions, a sort of hubris, if you will.

It is precisely because we often desire the same outcomes as our opponents (equality, charity, compassion, brotherhood, etc.) that we understand they are motivated by some benevolence, right? And so, we tend to dismiss their methods as merely misinformed. “They are not bad people,” we conclude. But we need to accept the very real possibility that we’ve reached this conclusion in error.

Note that many of our arguments rely on an examination of method: “It’s not fair to tax anyone at all, because it’s theft!” “Wage and price controls violate our freedom to enter mutually beneficial contracts.” “Zoning law is a usurpation of property rights.” And so on. We spend all day, every day, discussing and arguing in favor of the merits of voluntarism, of charity, compassion, co-operation and liberty. Yet you would not know this by our opponents’ war-cries. Every discussion or debate is filled with vitriol, with accusations: Libertarians are greedy, money-whores, succubi to the wealthy elite, oppressors of the poor and less-fortunate. Nearly without fail, these characterizations are perpetrated.

Step back for a moment and notice the cruel, cruel irony: We, who give full faith and credit to the motives of our opponents, are often accused by those very same opponents, of the basest motives imaginable. We, who take notice of a common goal with our opposites, are often accused of lying, or otherwise misrepresenting our actual positions. We are accused of sinister machinations masquerading as a struggle for freedom and equality. We do not implicate our ideological opponents as necessarily bad people, we merely intend to demonstrate that their methods are flawed and their means are immoral. If they happen to be personally offended when their programs are labeled “communist,” then perhaps they should re-examine the beliefs upon which their ideas rest. On the contrary, our opponents revel in each and every opportunity to paint us as evil, deceptive people — one ad hominem after another. They don’t argue that our proposals are immoral, instead they argue that we are liars.

Beware he who commits these attacks, they are not to be trusted or reasoned with.

So consider this a warning: When you encounter these folk, reconsider your assumptions about them: they are not good people. Recognize them for what they are — liars, bastards, manipulators, expose their means as violent and immoral, and avoid those who self-identify in support of these means. These men are your enemies.

Honest men will turn upon recognizing the sometimes painful truth: what we’ve done or believed in or supported in the past was wrong, but we no longer have to perpetuate it.

National Parks

September 21st, 2007

Acadia National Park, near Bar Harbor, Maine, is the first National Park to be established east of the Mississippi. It encompasses most of the gorgeous rock of an island otherwise known as Mount Desert Island, the remainder of which is populated by quaint fishing villages turned tourist destinations. The 47,000+ acre park is constituted of lands donated entirely by private citizens.

Queue the libertarian nay-saying:

Libertarians generally believe that parks should be established privately, and maintained privately. So what objection could one possibly raise to a park like Acadia, established in such a manner? Simply put: none. But it’s not that easy – the problem isn’t the establishment of a park, the problem is with its maintenance and upkeep of the park, which after having been donated to the federal government, becomes the collective charge of all citizens near and far, some of whom will never set foot on its soil, or ever desire to do so. A park – local or national – is not a public good, by virtue of its non-exclusivity, which can be enforced by (among other methods) toll roads, access fees, or membership dues. And the benefits conferred by such a park are limited to those who own property within or adjacent thereto, or otherwise subscribe to its ownership in some collective manner, and hence rivalrous.

The economic effect of this transference of “ownership” from private to public hands, is that it artificially reduces (significantly) the availability of what is already rare, and hence, exclusive, real estate. The value of what little land remains privately held is consequently pushed upwards to an otherwise unsustainable level – there are practically no single-family residences offered (as of today) for less than $300,000. The cost and burden of maintaining the pristine and natural environment which would justify such land rents is borne not by the primary benefactors – the residents – but instead by the nation’s population as a whole. So those families who donated lands to the National Parks Service at the beginning of the century were able to secure for their posterity a windfall profit in the form of inflated property values, at the expense of everyone else.

This is why a consistent libertarian should revile at the very idea of nationalized parks. It is not because we hate the environment, it is not because we hate unadultered open spaces – it is simply because the benefits conferred thereby should be financed by those people (and only those people) who benefit from them. Anything else is demonstrably unjust.

On Redistribution

August 27th, 2007

From time to time, I find myself debating the merits and efficacy of redistributionist policies as a means of achieving social warfare welfare, equality, and justice. This particular argument has been simmering for about six months, but I think its time to get it out.

Central to my thesis is the belief that somewhere and somehow there must exist absolute property rights which are to remain inviolate; without which, we have what can only be described as varying degrees of serfdom. Lest for instance, those items to which you have legitimately acquired title – earned through toil or otherwise – are never really yours: Instead they are perpetually subject to the appeals to force or popularity. Whether such appeals have at their core, good intentions or deception is utterly irrelevant: what’s yours is not, in fact, yours, but rather belongs to others – once they decide they want to take it from you.

Under all redistributionist schema, is a total disconnect between what a man earns, and what a man might deserve – a certain group of people are deemed to “deserve” something by virtue of having not earned it – pardon the Ayn Rand in me speaking. This “something,” usually money, is always taken from those people who have earned it, or otherwise lawfully acquired it. What we’ve established here is that “if you earn wealth, it is yours.” But that’s not really a complete statement.

There’s a debate about inheritance, and whether it qualifies as something that the heir earned. Of course it does not. But that doesn’t mean they don’t have a rightful claim to it. To posit that the heir of a fortune did not earn the fortune and therefore does not deserve it is to commit a logical fallacy of denying the existence of other rightful means of acquiring title to property, and it is a sneaky, distant-cousin of the labor-theory of value put forth by Marx and Engels. Even if this fallacy could be reconciled, it does not follow that others deserve it. This argument contradicts the proposition that only earned wealth is legitimate, and since the recipients of income transfer, by definition, are those who have not earned their own wealth, it would follow that whatever they receive from such programs is illegitimate. It boils down to the following:

If a man earns wealth, it is his.
Some men have wealth that they did not earn.
Therefore, others deserve it.

Well, I think we can see that this is a complete denial of property rights. Once earned, property belongs to he who earned it, and he may do as he pleases with it, by virtue of its being his. This could be burning it, or giving it to anyone he deems worthy, by whatever measure. “Earning” is not the only way to rightly acquire title to property, so we can explode the myth that all unearned wealth is undeserved or illegitimate. The argument eventually reduces to desert, and to equalization of opportunity, or to some other metric of social utility. But there is no objectively conclusive way to determine ex ante that a particular recipient is more deserving than all other possible recipients (or any other possible recipient).

So What?

Where would we start? Of course the answer is “taking property from some people in order that we may give it to others.” The question of why “we” are the arbiters of distribution is never really addressed. But let’s say that by some stroke of genius, we could implement a program whereby all people’s property holdings were unequivocally equalized.

What do you think would happen next?

Well, according to some, the rivers start flowing with lemonade and candy canes grow on trees and everyone lives in this fantastic utopia, happily ever after. If we could equalize everything tomorrow, it would only take a (relatively) very short time for imbalances to appear. This is due to the many natural inequalities among men.

It would not take long before those who demonstrated superior abilities were wealthier than some of their counterparts. It would not take generations before those who have a longer time-preference had amassed more productive capital than those who are hell-bent on spending every last dime of their weekly pay. It would not be but a few weeks (or less) for people – all of whom place a different and subjective marginal value on the infinite combinations of goods and services available in the world – had re-established inequality.

So there’s not much reason to assume we can do any better (whatever that means) than what we’ve got, and even less reason to believe that the world would stay that way for any appreciable length of time. Once we establish that this brand of “equality” is not attainable (because we don’t, and perhaps more importantly, cannot know how things ought to be distributed) nor sustainable, we can begin to understand that it’s nothing more than theft – albeit a vigilante theft. And like other vigilante mobs, well, nobody wants to be on the receiving end of a lynch mob, and so social warfare ensues, political power and dominion increases, and individuals lose a little bit more of what makes them individuals; they lose a little bit more of what makes meaningful, cooperative society possible, and they lose a little bit more of their sense of self-reliance, brotherhood, and charity.

no third solution

Blogging about liberty, anarchy, economics and politics